{"id":39235,"date":"2025-06-12T11:06:05","date_gmt":"2025-06-12T09:06:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/ipisresearch.be\/?post_type=publication&p=39235"},"modified":"2025-06-16T11:17:14","modified_gmt":"2025-06-16T09:17:14","slug":"m23s-territorial-advances-in-may-from-doha-to-goma-the-disconnect-between-diplomacy-and-reality-in-eastern-congo","status":"publish","type":"publication","link":"https:\/\/ipisresearch.be\/fr\/publication\/m23s-territorial-advances-in-may-from-doha-to-goma-the-disconnect-between-diplomacy-and-reality-in-eastern-congo\/","title":{"rendered":"M23\u2019s territorial advances in May – From Doha to Goma: The disconnect between diplomacy and reality in Eastern Congo"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
\"\"<\/a><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Despite the ongoing peace negotiations between the Rwandan-backed M23 rebels and the Congolese government in Doha (Qatar), and the signature of a declaration of principles between Rwanda and the DRC, under the patronage of the United States in Washington, D.C. in April, the evolution of the conflict in eastern DRC has shown no sign of abating. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Throughout May, fighting persisted in both – North Kivu province (Rutshuru, Lubero, and Walikale territories) and South Kivu (Mwenga territory). The ongoing clashes have resulted in more fatalities and new waves of internal displacement among civilians, who are continuously fleeing from the conflict zones.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In areas under M23 control, the rebel group systematically dismantled former administrative structures<\/a>, replacing them with loyalists affiliated with the Alliance du fleuve Congo \/ Mouvement du 23 mars<\/em> (AFC\/M23). Furthermore, opponents<\/a>, civilians<\/a> and civil society organization<\/a>s are facing persistent fear of violence and human rights violations under the new administration. Local news outlets have reported instances of arbitrary arrests, while human rights organizations<\/a> revealed severe human rights violations<\/a> occurring under M23 and its affiliated authorities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

M23 advances – Shifting frontlines throughout May<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In early May, M23 forces advanced into the Luhwindja chiefdom in the Mwenga territory<\/strong>, South Kivu. On May 6<\/a>, they captured Luciga at the doorstep of the Twangiza mining site \u2013 the largest gold mine in the mineral-rich region. With its capture, the Twangiza mine became the first industrial open-pit gold mine under M23’s influence, with a monthly capacity exceeding 10,000 ounces of gold<\/a>. The mine is operated by Twangiza Mining, a subsidiary of the Canadian group Banro Corporation, and is owned by Chinese stakeholders. In an official letter, Twangiza Mining announced the suspension of all activities at the site, following a tax dispute with the new M23 administration. Manu Birato,<\/a> the recently appointed M23 governor of South Kivu, claimed that the mine had previously failed to pay taxes. The M23 authorities have now imposed a 50% tax on Twangiza\u2019s production, arguing that these funds are necessary to support public services in areas under their control. However, Twangiza Mining disputes these claims<\/a> and emphasizes its commitment to complying with the rule of law and working with legitimate governmental authorities. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n
\n
\"\"<\/a><\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"\"<\/a><\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"\"<\/a><\/figure>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\n
More M23-related maps<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n
<\/div>\n\n\n\n

In the same week, in North Kivu, M23 forces advanced further into Lubero territory<\/strong>, taking control of fishing villages along the shore of Lake Edward. Their seizure of Lunyasenge<\/a>, located 15km south of Lubero town, has led to a new wave of internally displaced people seeking refuge in Kasindi, a town located at the border with Uganda.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Rutshuru territory<\/strong>, North Kivu, heavy clashes erupted throughout May as M23 forces launched a series of attacks<\/a> against the Wazalendo self-defense armed groups in Bwito chiefdom<\/a>. The area holds strategic significance, as it facilitates major road networks, linking Rutshuru with Masisi<\/a>. Intense fighting broke out in the groupements<\/em> of Bambo<\/a>, Tongo and Bukombo, involving M23 forces using long-range artillery<\/a> to shell densely populated areas.<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

By the end of May, reports indicated that M23 rebels set fire to more than 500 houses and burned down entire villages<\/a> in the Mutanda groupement<\/em> in Bwito. The rebel group later justified the arson by accusing local residents of collaborating with rebels from the Forces D\u00e9mocratiques de Lib\u00e9ration du Rwanda<\/em> (FDLR), an armed group created in 2000 by former perpetrators of the Rwandan genocide. In retaliation, Wazalendo fighters set fire to a dozen homes in Butare<\/a>, suspecting their owners of collaborating with the AFC\/M23 rebels. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Between 26 and 31 May, 38 civilians, including several women and children<\/a>, were killed in Bwito\u2019s Mutanda groupement<\/em>, allegedly executed by M23. One of the victims was Muhindo Sabuni Phil\u00e9mon, who was recently appointed as chief of the Kirma village by the AFC\/M23. Conflicting sources suggest either armed bandits<\/a> or M23 fighters<\/a> themselves were responsible for his execution. Thousands of civilians fled the violence in the Bwito chiefdom, with over 11,000 families seeking refuge in Bambo<\/a>, as reported by M\u00e9decins Sans Fronti\u00e8res (MSF). MSF warns that the crisis in Bambo reflects a wider humanitarian emergency unfolding in eastern DRC, marked by significant demand for shelter, food, water, medical assistance, and civilian protection. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

New fighting also erupted in Walikale<\/strong><\/a> territory<\/strong> at the end of May, as M23 forces launched an offensive in the Ikombo<\/a> and Kisimba<\/a> groupements<\/em> of the Waninga chiefdom. In less than a week, M23 advanced rapidly, capturing several villages and forcing Wazalendo armed groups to retreat. According to local leaders, the offensive has triggered mass displacement<\/a>, with entire villages emptied of their residents. While some civilians sought refuge in nearby towns, the majority are reportedly hiding in the surrounding forests, raising concerns about their safety and access to humanitarian aid. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Local leaders fear the offensive signals preparations<\/a> for a broader attack on Pinga<\/a> \u2013 a strategically vital airport town at the border of Masisi and Walikale territories. These concerns are backed by the reported deployment of troops<\/a> to M23 positions close to Pinga. Reinforcements<\/a> of troops and heavy weaponry have been observed on the roads leading to Pinga from the directions of Nyabiondo and Kalembe. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

M23 came to stay – Fear under North and South Kivu’s new administration<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

By undermining the former administration and appointing positions to AFC\/M23 loyalists, M23 has consolidated its hold over vast parts of the Kivu regions. In urban centres, such as the provincial capitals of Goma and Bukavu, ongoing manhunts of alleged criminals and individuals affiliated with Wazalendo armed groups are organized by the new administration.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On the weekend of May 10th, M23 resorted to lockdowns \u201cop\u00e9rations de bouclage<\/em><\/a>\u201d in various communities and districts surrounding Goma, reportedly to address rising insecurity, confiscate weapons, and identify FDLR\/Wazalendo fighters concealed among the population. As a result, several hundred young men and women have been detained and transported to detention sites at the Don Bosco and the Unity Stadium in Goma.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n
\n

\u201cThese M23 soldiers searched every house, arresting anyone they considered suspicious, hostile to their movement or associated with the FARDC or the Wazalendo. People without identity papers, men with unkempt hair, men with tattoos and others were arrested,\u00a0\u00bb <\/em>said a local civil society actor<\/a> towards the local news platform Actualit\u00e9.cd. <\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

According to the AFC\/M23, the operation resulted in the arrest of more than 200 Congolese soldiers, around 100 Wazalendo fighters, suspected FDLR members, and 154 alleged criminals<\/a>. However, the scale of the operation and the methods used have attracted widespread criticism from local civil societies. An official statement released by the Congolese government counters these estimations and accuses M23 of killing 107 people<\/a> and abducting more than 4,000 civilians<\/a> during the three-day-long operation. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

While some detainees have been released after a few days, many young men are still missing. Families fear they may have been deported to the AFC\/M23 military training center in Rumangabo<\/a> (Rutshuru), to join the ranks of the rebel group. Civil society organizations in Goma are deeply concerned<\/a> about the ongoing manhunt, fearing that these serial arrests will lead to inhumane detentions, torture, killing<\/a> and forced recruitment. Furthermore, residents in Goma are reluctant to speak out as they fear potential reprisals from M23 members. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cM23\u2019s public statements about bringing order to eastern DRC mask their horrific treatment of detainees. They brutally punish those who they believe oppose them and intimidate others, so no one dares to challenge them.\u201d<\/em> said Tigere Chagutah (Amnesty International)<\/a>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

These fears are not unfounded. Reports of arbitrary abductions and detentions<\/a> have emerged from the Kivus, particularly in areas under M23 control. An investigation by Amnesty International revealed a devastating humanitarian crisis in M23\u2019s detention centers<\/a>. Former detainees and their families describe horrific conditions: overcrowded cells, insufficient food and sanitation, ransom demands, torture and murder. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n
\n

\u201cCongolese know all too well the cruelty of M23. (\u2026) They continue to live in misery as international actors have become complacent, waiting patiently for a peace deal while M23 keeps brutalizing Congolese.\u201d<\/em> – Tigere Chagutah (Amnesty International)<\/a>. <\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Further reading<\/h2>\n\n\n
<\/a>
<\/div><\/div>
The (new) M23 offensive on Goma: Why this long-lasting conflict is not only about minerals and what are its implications? \u2013 Q&A<\/div>
By the morning of January 29th, the rebels largely controlled the strategic city of Goma. To provide a quick and understandable explanation of the causes of this humanitarian crisis, the role of natural resources, and in particular minerals, is often overemphasized. While mining and mineral trade inevitably play an important role \u2014 being a vital part of the local economy \u2014 it is important to assess economic assets more broadly, as well as political interests and social grievances.<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n
<\/a>
<\/div><\/div>
Rwandan-backed M23 rebel group seeks local power in DRC, not just control over mining operations<\/div>
M23 strategies allow the rebel group to control local governance and to generate revenues from the local economy, including rents from North Kivu\u2019s mineral wealth.<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n
<\/a>
<\/div><\/div>
The M23 \u201cversion 2\u201d – Local stakes, motivations, perceptions, and impacts<\/div>
Since 2021, the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has once again fallen victim to the \u201cMarch 23 Movement\u201d (M23). Supposedly defeated in 2013, the M23 took up arms again in 2021, and by 2022 had rapidly seized vast territories in the south-east of North Kivu province.<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n\n
<\/div>\n\n\n\n